The property sector in China, one of the key growth engines for the economy, has gone through a boom-and-bust cycle. Alicia García-Herrero of Natixis Corporate and Investment Banking and the Brussels-based think tank Bruegel considers the outlook for Chinese real estate in light of recent moves by regulators to lift restrictions on developers and the rebooting of the economy with the end of the zero-Covid strategy.
Residential development in Kunming: Chinese households invested up to 80 percent of their wealth into real estate (Credit: Fabio Nodari / Shutterstock.com)
Since the global financial crisis in 2008, the real estate sector has emerged as one of the most important engines of growth in China’s economy, contributing more than even external exports. A huge investment binge in infrastructure and real estate resulted in a policy push away from external product demand. Housing prices consequently shot up at the speed of light. China’s well-known high saving ratio, together with capital controls, have been instrumental in channeling funds to finance the real estate bubble. Chinese households invested up to 80 percent of their wealth into real estate, and many bought up to several property units, depending on their ability to do so.
As a result, Chinese real estate developers became the largest in the world – that is, until the bubble ended abruptly some 18 months ago.
This decade-long real estate boom had several consequences. First and foremost, it contributed as much as one third of the growth in fixed asset investment and GDP growth in China during the period of 2010 to 2019. Second, it provided large amounts of cash to Chinese local governments through the sales of land to developers. This meant that they could fund many other projects such as international acquisitions of technological parks through their local champions.
Finally, as the price of land continued to increase and real estate developers were cut from bank financing in an attempt to rein in their increasing leverage, they had to find creative ways to finance themselves. This, together with local governments’ own needs to finance infrastructure projects, led to the rapid emergence of China’s shadow banking.
The fragilities of China’s real estate sector were buried over the years thanks to ample liquidity in the financial sector and high economic growth. These suddenly became visible when Chinese regulators began to react to the ever-increasing housing prices and the related deterioration of housing affordability and income distribution.
It was not until the summer of 2020, during a period when China seemed to have won its war against the pandemic while the rest of the world was struggling, that an emboldened regulator decided to introduce the so-called “three red lines” guidelines to limit developers’ leverage. These financial guidelines relating to the ratio of debt to cash, equity and assets proved to be a risky move. It was clear that some developers including China’s – and the world’s – largest in terms of assets, Evergrande, would not be able to withstand the pressure,
Chinese policymakers have decided to go back to square one and lift the regulatory restrictions on real estate developers such as the “three red lines”. The irony is that zero-Covid and its negative impact on the Chinese economy might be the reason why. In other words, simultaneously dealing with Covid as well as the demise of the real estate sector ended up being too much to swallow for China, leading the way to a recovery of the sector.
It goes without saying that the structural weaknesses of China’s real estate sector remain in place. Households are likely to remain wary of this and will probably not invest money as easily as in the past. This means that housing transactions will probably never recover to previous levels. Still, such lifting of regulatory pressure should offer some support for the sector in 2023, attracting speculative investors for the sector. The consequence of all of this, though, is that there will be more leverage to clean up eventually. Housing affordability will not improve as quickly as expected, which does not bode well for the Chinese government’s objective of achieving “common prosperity”.
Further reading:
Alicia García-Herrero
Natixis Corporate and Investment Banking, Bruegel and Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
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